The end of the Cold War created an initial euphoria based on the diminished
likelihood of large-scale conflicts, but this gradually gave way to the reality
of explosive regional conflicts, many of which erupted in southeastern Europe. 9/11 terrorism underscored the need for achieving a new global system
of security governance, including a new role for NATO, but considerable obstacles to achieving such
a system
remain. European integration and the expansion of the European Union,
security relations within and among the countries of the EU and its neighbors, and the transformation of Eastern and Central European economies
command new attention at the nexus of economics and security.
9/11 terrorism underscored the need for achieving a new global system
of security governance, but considerable obstacles to achieving such
a system
remain. These involve a) different threat assessments, b) divergent perceptions
of security threats to states, and c) differing response preferences amongst
major states. Similarly, we observe variable
inclinations toward "hard power" military options and "soft
power" diplomatic or economic pressures in response to those security
challenges (Nye, 2000). To explore these issues, IGCC and
Institute
for
International,
Comparative
and Area Studies (IICAS)
at UC San Diego sponsored a 2002 "Workshop on Global and Regional Security
Governance."
The ongoing project comparatively analyzes the challenges of global and
regional security governance and the changed security agendas, considering
the
prospects for global and/or regional security governance by focusing on
perceptions held by elites in the G8 countries (Canada, France, Germany,
Italy, Japan, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom, and the United
States) and China. It further seeks to identify areas divergent and convergent
interests that may facilitate or inhibit international cooperation.
Global Issues in the German-American Partnership: Changing Relations with
Russia and China
The end of the Cold War created an initial euphoria based on the diminished
likelihood of large-scale conflicts, but this gradually gave way to the reality
of explosive regional conflicts. Conflicts were particularly strong in the
Near East, with the 1990–91 Gulf War, and in southeastern Europe, where
historic divisions festered into ethnic cleansing and sectarian war. The nature
of security threats is also changing as we move from interstate tensions and
conflicts to less predictable and often underestimated non-state terrorists
prepared to launch attacks on civilian targets. In these contexts, governments
have begun to adapt their security priorities and alliance relations. Solidly
established patterns of transatlantic cooperation remain in place, but new
relations with former adversaries have also emerged.
In response, IGCC, in cooperation with the Federal
German Press and Information Office, the Deutsch-Amerikanischer Arbeitskreis/German-American
Research Group (DAA) and the Consortium for Atlantic Studies (CAS) held a conference
in March 2002 to examine and evaluate "Changing Transatlantic Relations
with Russia and China" in the context of these new security threats. The principal
goals of this project are to deepen our understanding of the nature of new
security threats and to evaluate the extent of new forms of cooperation
and competition between the U.S.-European partnership and Russia and China.
A related goal involves the fostering of regular communication and cooperation
within an international community of scholars and policy makers.
Also in response to the changing security environment in Europe, the creation
of a European defense identity and its effects on the United States was the
subject of
an event
in Washington,
D.C.
jointly
sponsored
by
IGCC and
the
UCSD
School of International Relations and Pacific Studies (IR/PS).
Building
Institutions to Regulate Ethnic and Regional Conflicts in the Soviet
Successor States
The 1990–91 collapse of the Soviet Union was a remarkably peaceful
process marred by only small-scale clashes between the forces of the Soviet
state and its
secessionists. However, conflicts within the union republics and its successor
states were intense and often violent. Three types of domestic conflicts have
broken the peace: protracted political conflicts among regionally-based leadership
factions, seeking control of the central government; conflicts for autonomy
or secession have pitted both regional and ethnic groups against their central
governments; and communal conflicts among ethnic communities contesting ownership
of land. When outside powers have intervened, in some instances these domestic
conflicts have become international confrontations. This escalation has resulted
in war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, in tense standoffs between Russia and
Ukraine over the Crimea, and diplomatic crises between Russia and the Baltic
states of Estonia and Latvia over their Russian-speaking minorities. "Building
Institutions to Regulate Ethnic and Regional Conflicts in The Soviet Successor
States" assembles specialists on the Soviet successor states and specialists
on conflict-regulating institutions in order to study the problem of conflict-regulating
institutions in the former Soviet Union. The project will: identify post-Soviet
institutional arrangements that have already worked to prevent or diffuse intense
conflicts; identify new institutional arrangements on the bargaining table
in the search for settlements to intense conflicts; and evaluate the robustness
of each institutional arrangement in light of settlements experience in other
regions. The project will report findings in policy papers and an edited volume,
and authors will present policy recommendations to an invited audience of academic
and policy specialists in Washington, D.C.
One route to stability on the borders of southern Europe may be revitalization
and integration of the Mediterranean region as a whole. At a conference held
in November 1999 at UC Berkeley, participants considered how policy prescriptions
might best serve the aim of constructing a Mediterranean region, by assessing
recent attempts at Mediterranean integration and the cultural, economic,
and political implications of such a maneuver. Key issues included
assessing the
role functional measures should play in regional integration and conflict
prevention, and identifying constraints and opportunities for building
a Mediterranean
sense of identity.
Testing Assumptions about Unofficial Diplomacy: The Georgian-Abkhaz Case
The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation awarded $200,000 over two years
to Paula Garb, Adjunct Professor of Social Ecology and Associate Director
of Global Peace and Conflict Studies, University of California, Irvine.
The project (1) assisted the Abkhaz-Georgian peace process by promoting
and supporting effective citizen diplomacy between Abkhaz and Georgians
who will work together with third party facilitators as researchers, mapping
and documenting the peace process; and (2) contributed to theory on conflict
transformation by testing and enhancing methodologies for tracking how
unofficial diplomacy impacts stakeholders in a conflict (the public, elites
of both sides, and third-party official negotiators).
The Future of Europe
From 1994–99, the IGCC graduate fellowship program benefited from
a generous $750,000 grant from the John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur
Foundation. The grant was dedicated solely to building teams of junior
scholars to
address the issues of regional relations and international environmental
problems. The IGCC/MacArthur Scholars Program sponsored more than 44 fellowships
and afforded students unique opportunities to present their research findings
to senior scholars, policy experts, and governmental and non-governmental
representatives at an early stage in their academic careers.
IGCC additionally sponsored working groups of fellows that organized and
led research groups and seminars. Culminating this program, "The
Future of Europe" featured presentations by 1998–1999 MacArthur Scholars.
Participants also attended a triad of Washington, D.C., briefings from
the Delegation of the European Commission, the Center for Strategic and
International Studies (CSIS), and the United States Department of State.
Number: Policy Paper 52 Title:Understanding
Europe's New Common Foreign and Security Policy Author(s): Michael Smith Published by: IGCC Pages: 35 Year of Publication: 2000 Related PolicyPack:PolicyPack 52Number: Policy Paper 50 Title:Germany
and the United States: Searching for 21st Century Migration Policies Author(s): Philip L. Martin Published by: IGCC Pages: 20 Year of Publication: 1999
Number: Policy Paper 38 Title:Europe
after NATO Expansion: The Unfinished Security Agenda Author(s): Kori Schake Published by: IGCC Pages: 28 Year of Publication: 1998
Number: Policy Paper 34 Title:The
Management of International Migration: Short-Term Dislocations Versus Long-Term
Benefits Author(s): Jeannette Money Published by: IGCC Pages: 38 Year of Publication: 1998
Number: Policy Paper 16 Title:Ethnic
Conflict and Russian Intervention in the Caucasus Author(s): Fred Wehling, Sergei Arutiunov, Andranik
Migranian, Emil Payin, Galina Starovoitova Published by: IGCC Pages: 38 Year of Publication: 1995
Number: Policy Brief 05 Title:Derecognition:
Exiting Bosnia Author: George Kenney Published by: IGCC Pages: 4 Year of Publication: 1995
Title: Beyond the EMU: The Problem of Sustainability Author(s): Benjamin J. Cohen, ed. Published by: Westview Press Year of Publication: 2000
Title: Fences and Neighbors: The Political Geography
of Immigration Control Author(s): Jeanette Money ISBN: 0-8014-3570-6 Published by: Cornell University Press Year of Publication: 1999
Title: Political Economy of Dual Transformations:
Market Reform and Democratization in Hungary Author(s): David L. Bartlett ISBN: 0-472-10794-1 Published by: Univ. of Michigan Press Year of Publication: 1997
Return to top.
The end of the Cold War created an initial euphoria based on the diminished
likelihood of large-scale conflicts, but this gradually gave way to the reality
of explosive regional conflicts, many of which erupted in southeastern Europe. 9/11 terrorism underscored the need for achieving a new global system
of security governance, including a new role for NATO, but considerable obstacles to achieving such
a system
remain. European integration and the expansion of the European Union,
security relations within and among the countries of the EU and its neighbors, and the transformation of Eastern and Central European economies
command new attention at the nexus of economics and security.